Multiple Agree in Classical Arabic: A Minimalist Approach

Abstract

This thesis argues that the Minimalist concept of Multiple Agree (Hiraiwa, 2001) provides a unified analysis of two unrelated phenomena that pervade the syntax of Classical Arabic (CA). The first phenomenon concerns with multiple case assignment within the CA vP. However, the second one deals with Concord within the CA DP. Multiplicity within the CA vP is caused by case assignment between a single probe and several goals. However, in the case of Concord in the CA DP, the multiplicity is a result of copying the gender, person, number, case and (in)definiteness features of the head noun to its single-word modifier(s). This study provides that the verb assigns the accusative case to its dependents (i.e. items within the domain of the verb) regardless the fact whether the verb is transitive, intransitive, or unaccusative. The verb in CA may assign the accusative case to its internal complement(s) as well as adjunct(s). Hiraiwa (2001) argues that Multiple Agree requires c-command relationship between the case assigner, the verb, and the case assignee(s). Multiple Agree is a purely structural operation. In terms of Chomsky’s theory, this operation is captured by one probe and multiple goals. The researcher claims that multiple case assignment within the CA verb phrase as a phase (i.e. transitive verb phrase) occurs via Multiple Agree. However, the accusative case is assigned within the CA verb phrase as a non-phase (i.e. intransitive and passive verb phrase) applies through the feature percolation operation. Unlike the head verb in multiple case assignment within the vP, the head noun in the DP is not a case assigner. However the gender, number, person, case, and (in)definiteness features carried by the head noun are copied by all its single-word modifiers. The agreement within the DP takes place among more than one feature. The researcher argues that Concord between a modified head noun and its multiple modifiers in phi-features and definite feature occurs via Parallel Merge (i.e. Multiple Agree between multiple probes and a single goal). Nevertheless, feature percolation operation is responsible for Concord in case feature between a head noun and its modifier(s) in CA. This study claims that this CA DP is not a phase.